The EU and Ukraine have opened the first negotiation cluster, "Fundamentals of the EU Accession Process" – but this is only the beginning of a path that will require deep internal change: from judicial reform and anti-corruption policy to a new role for local communities as drivers of economic growth. Will EU membership bring prosperity to Ukrainians? What determines the pace of integration?
Lana Zerkal, member of the Coordination Council at Ukraine Facility Platform, discussed this on the UAFP podcast.
EU membership = a better life?
Just ten years ago, it was hard to imagine Ukraine would be negotiating EU accession. The country was surrounded by myths – it was feared, misunderstood. Now that is becoming reality. But joining the EU will not automatically make Ukrainians wealthier.
The European Union is a superstructure above its member states that sets a common framework for the development of national legislation. So the quality of life ultimately depends on the quality of governance, institutions, and the rules a country creates for itself. No one from the EU will build the conditions for development in Ukraine if Ukrainians don't do it themselves.
50 tasks for the first cluster: how the path to EU membership works
The EU has a body of legislation – the acquis – comprising thousands of legal acts. To make the process manageable for candidate countries, the acquis has been divided into 35 chapters and grouped into six negotiation clusters.
This first cluster sets approximately 50 tasks – or benchmarks – for Ukraine. How quickly they are completed will determine when Ukraine becomes an EU member. The cluster is opened first and closed last – much like a final state exam, where you must demonstrate that everything works properly. During reviews, the entire judicial record is scrutinised: how long cases take to be heard, how many rulings are overturned on appeal, how many complaints are filed, and what sanctioning mechanisms are in place. In the age of artificial intelligence, this analysis is thorough and transparent.
For instance, when Ukraine was completing the visa liberalisation process, assessors examined even the number of money laundering cases – from opening to verdict – and demanded an explanation for why 90% of cases were lost along the way. Until the legislation was amended, this remained an outstanding task.
Meeting all the benchmarks is realistic: 27 EU member states have already done it.
Local communities will become the drivers of the economy
The EU operates on the principle of subsidiarity – delegating as much authority as possible to the local level. Whatever can be handled locally remains a local responsibility. That is why Ukraine's local communities will need to change the most.
Communities will no longer be mere implementers or recipients of aid. They will become drivers of economic growth alongside the private sector. All development projects will fall under local authority, and the central government will need to transfer significant powers to them. This is one of the most fundamental transformations Ukraine will have to undergo.
Many assume that EU integration is something that happens in the capital. In reality, most of it will take place at the local level – because it is often local communities that own the critical infrastructure in need of upgrading. The pace of change will depend on how engaged local residents are.
War – both a catastrophe and an opportunity to leapfrog
For Ukraine, the war is a catastrophic challenge and a tragedy. The country's energy system, for example, is operating at its limit. But on these ruins, it is possible to build next-generation systems from the outset – designed to European standards, with an eye to Ukraine becoming a full participant in the European market within the next decade.
Ukraine is unlikely to become an EU member during an active phase of the war. But a frozen conflict represents a different legal framework. Moreover, there is a broad understanding in Europe that Ukraine is the EU's security frontier.
The takeaway: accept today's realities and keep moving forward, bearing in mind that Russia is not going anywhere.
Anti-corruption is a matter of culture, not rhetoric
Corruption is not a uniquely Ukrainian phenomenon – it exists in every society. The question is how much it holds back a country's development. In Ukraine, the main sources of corruption – those that have historically generated the most money – are state-owned enterprises. The scandals making headlines today all revolve around skimming profits from these companies. This culture needs to be changed through proper corporate governance, transparency, and the principle of keeping the state out of business operations.
The anti-corruption tasks facing Ukraine are aimed at creating transparent conditions: eliminating barriers, unlawful tenders, and rigged competitions. This will reduce opportunities for corrupt practices.
Hungary offers a telling example. During the final years of the Orbán government, the country was denied EU funding for failing to meet rule-of-law criteria. The money was placed in escrow, and Hungarians had no access to it. But society made its choice – and that choice was in favour of European rules.
Ukraine is joining the EU as a partner
The propaganda line "who in Europe is even waiting for Ukraine" does not hold up. The EU is certainly not waiting for a victim that needs to be sustained. But Ukraine can become part of production chains that strengthen the EU's security and resilience.
A few years ago, the EU acknowledged its own vulnerability – its dependence on logistics and heavy reliance on imports from third countries. And Europe understands that Ukraine can be part of the solution.
Walking away is always an option. The question is: what comes next? The path of Turkey, the path of the Balkans, or a return to Ukraine's old multi-vector approach? If Ukraine, as a society, has chosen its course – and that course also happens to be one of the world's largest markets of opportunity – then this is a game worth playing.
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